The Integration of Sustainable Forest Use and Ritual Practice of the Karen
-- The Karen Rotational Farming System and Annual Cycle of Ritual Practice --
by the Karen Network for Culture and Environment
Spirit Eyes on a ritual altar - upland rice field, Seif Dof Saf Village, Chiang Mai Province
Amid thunderstorms, it is possible to survive by holding rice straw and a wax candle
(Karen proverb)
In the proverb, "thunderstorms" means any kind of chaotic situation, but here refers especially to the crisis caused by the market economy, for example the uncontrollable prices of cash crops. In this situation, the poor and the ethnic minority peoples cannot survive. It is possible to survive only by growing their own their own rice mainly for self-consumption. The "wax candle" represents religion, ethics, honesty, and morals. This means that we have to live our lives based on the principle of the moral economy.
Introduction
This pamphlet has been written and produced in order to bring the current plight of the Karen (and other) peoples of the hills of Northern Thailand to the attention of readers of English, and also to provide a brief explanation of traditional Karen agricultural practices and culture to scholars and ordinary citizens who live outside Thailand and cannot use Karen or Thai language material.
We welcome comments and enquiries from interested persons and scholars (please see contact details at end of pamphlet). We also welcome overseas visitors to come to Chiang Mai to see for themselves the villages of the Karen, our culture, and our system of farming. Although our system of farming would be sustainable if current Thai law allowed us to carry it out in the traditional way, we are now obliged under the law to cultivate the same fields year after year. This system is neither sustainable for the forest, nor for our culture. It is our hope that we will one day be able to return to our traditional way of life, for the sake of both the forest and the continued existence of our people and culture.
Chiang Mai Diocesan Social Action Center (DISAC-CM) wishes to express special thanks to Professor Tony Boys of the Economic and Business Faculty of Wako University, Tokyo for help with editing and for providing a S'gaw Karen (Pgaz K'Nyau Cgauz) pronunciation guide to complete this pamphlet.
Chiang Mai Diocesan Social Action Center, October 2004
Part One: The Annual Life Cycle and Ritual Practice of the Karen
(1-1) The New Year (February)
 |  |
| Villagers meet to celebrate the New Year |
In the month of Hti hpaiv (February), after all the crops have been harvested, the Karen conduct a New Year ceremony. The celebration signifies the beginning of new life marked by the villagers forgiving each other and forgetting about the bad things that may have occurred over the past year. The New Year also signals the beginning of discussions about what the villagers should do in the upcoming year. Villagers consult with each other about where the swidden (slash-and-burn) fields should be cultivated, and they ask the Supreme Being for permission to practice rotation farming in the coming year,
(1-2) Forest Fallow Survey
 |  |
| These fallow areas will be new farm lands |
After the New Year is celebrated, the village chief begins to survey forest fallow for dry (upland) rice farming. All the villagers follow his lead and survey their new farm lands. There are many taboos regarding the choosing of forest fallow for cultivation. For example, people will not cultivate forest fallow that has caught fire, fallow that produces wild bananas, forest in mountain passes, forest in watershed areas (described as places where green frogs incubate their eggs, and so on). While surveying, fallow will not be chosen if the person hears deer barking, a "s'pgauz" bird singing, or sees a snake crossing the path. Moreover, in the night following the survey of the fallow, it is considered a sign of bad luck to dream about forest fire or the breaking of machetes that are used to cut down trees. In contrast, dreaming about elephants or about flooding is a good sign that means the surveyed fallow land should be cultivated. The Karen have many taboos regarding the selection of forest fallow for farming because they want to choose the best fallow, and also minimize impacts on the forest and the wild life.
(1-3) Tree Cutting
In clearing land, the Karen cut down trees leaving stumps remaining in the field for the growth of new shoots. Big trees will not be cut down. Instead only the lower branches are trimmed and the top branches are left uncut so that leaves can generate. Trees on which beehives hang are left undisturbed so that the bees can pollinate the rice flowers.
 |  |
| New site clearing |
(1-4) Drying Period
 |  |
| A field during the drying period |
During the month from late Hti hku (March) to early La se (April) the Karen leave felled trees in the sun to dry. Leaving trees and leaves and trees to dry is an important stage in agricultural production, because this makes it easier to burn and clear the field. The Karen call this stage "Loz kau hka."
(1-5) Field Burning
 |  |
| A field is burning | A field after burning |
After the felled trees have been dried, all the villagers will gather to burn their fields. Before setting fire to the field, the villagers make a fire break or fire control lines to prevent the flames from spreading to other parts of the forest. Fires are first set at the top of the slope of the field. When the flames reach the middle of the field, fires are then set at the bottom of the field. Burning the field from the top first reduces the chances of the blaze spreading beyond the fire control lines. Just in case this happens, other villagers are present to help extinguish the fire if it should threaten to spread beyond the control lines and into the forest.
(1-6) Collecting Tree Trunks
The morning after the field has been burned and cleared, women will prepare grain, fruit, and vegetable seeds for planting. These will include corn, pumpkin, bean, taro, cassava, and so on. The Karen plant seeds the day after burning because they believe this will enable plants to grow better. Women hold the predominant role in growing fruit and vegetables, and possess the most knowledge about the nature of each seed or crop. As an elder has said, "Women are the owners of dry rice fields, and men are the owners of wet rice fields." After planting the seeds, women will help each other through labor exchange to collect the charred remains of logs for reburying. Meanwhile, the men exchange labor to fence their dry rice fields.
(1-7) Rice Dibbling (Planting)
 |  |
| Planting dry rice |
At the beginning of Deif nya (May), people begin to dibble (planting rice by making a hole in the soil into which a rice seed is placed and then covered over) dry rice through the labor exchange system. When dibbling rice, a ritual called "Htof lauz quv" will be performed. In this ritual, the owner of the field will ask one unmarried man and one unmarried woman, both of whose parents are still alive, to begin dibbling rice. The two people act as the leaders of the men and women in the ritual. The selected man will use a spade to dig seven holes, into which the selected woman will place rice seeds. After that everyone will begin dibbling the field. When the field is completely planted, the owner will perform a ritual called "Kauv lauz hti qai" (calling for rainfall) and calling for "Htof bi qaf" (the rice spirit - also the name of a small bird that appears during the rice harvesting season). A long spade handle is cut into two pieces: the bottom half is placed in a bamboo container and the top half is leaned up against a tree in the field, facing the elephant star. At the same time, everyone will pray and ask the Supreme Being for good rain and good crops. After that, the people will pour water on each other and share laughs before going home. Placing the spade handle in the ceremonial positions creates a path or bridge for "Htof bi qaf" (the rice spirit), so that it can come and stay in the rice field, bringing rainfall with it, as it had promised a poor orphan a long time ago. People pouring water over each other after the rice dibbling is also symbolic of having plentiful rainfall during the year.
(1-8) Weeding
 |  |
| Weeding a dry rice field |
As the rice crop grows, many kinds of weeds or grass will also grow in the field. It is important to weed the field so that the young rice can grow unimpeded and absorb the maximum amount of nutrients from the soil. People usually weed three times a year. However, some rice fields may require weeding only twice if the field has been selected from good fallow. The first and main weeding normally takes place in the month of Deif nya (May). The second and third will occur a few months later. The Karen use a "klax", a short weeding tool designed to allow them to break up the soil without disturbing the young rice plants. The weeds that have been removed from the soil are left in the field to decay and later become nutrients for the rice crop.
(1-9) The month of La hkoov (August)
During this month, the Karen will perform both dry rice and wet rice rituals, which are called respectively "Bgau quv" and "Bgau cix". There are four different sub-types of this ritual.
 |  |
| Scenes of the Bgau Quv rituals |
- Taj luj meif is performed to ask forgiveness from the Lord of Fire, because in burning the field we may have inflicted some injury on the soil, vegetation and wildlife.
- Taj saiv is performed to rid the crops, especially the rice, of harmful influences. In particular, the ritual is performed so that wild animals will not disturb the crops in the fields.
- Taj t'maux is performed to ask the Supreme Brings for their blessing and to look after the crops. This ritual also asks the rice spirit to come back and stay in the rice field.
- Taj hkav kaiv is performed to prevent rice diseases, wildlife or humans from destroying crops in the fields.
These four rituals are an integral part of the Karen beliefs regarding rice cultivation (rice culture). The Karen believe that everything has its owner and that respect must be paid to these owners. All rice farmers must be honest, be of good behavior, and must try to be good people, otherwise they may suffer accidents or crop failures.
The Karen believe that in order to live harmoniously with nature, people must pay respect to the Supreme Being and other living things. In doing so, they will be able to have good crops and live peacefully with nature.
(1-10) The La hkoov pooz (August) ceremony
 |  |
| Each family ties threads for the calling back of the spirit around each other's wrists before they eat
|
After everyone in the village has finished performing the dry rice and wet rice rituals, the traditional village chief will inform them of the time to perform the "La hkoov pooz" ceremony. Every family makes their own traditional whisky, and performs the calling back of the spirit (individual-family-community spirit) by having a white thread tied around their wrists and receiving blessings from the elders. Chickens, pigs, and traditional whisky are the important components of this ritual.
The "La hkoov pooz" ceremony is similar to the New Year ceremony. In both, homage and thanksgiving are paid to the Supreme Being after the completion of a major task, such as surveying of new fallow, dibbling, weeding, and the performance of the dry rice and wet rice rituals. This is also a time to ask the Supreme Being to look after the whole village, the crops, the animals, and so on, so as to achieve good yields.
(1-11) The Harvest Season
 |  |
| Harvesting dry rice
|
Before harvesting the rice, the Karen will perform a ritual called "Auf bu hkof" (the new rice ritual) early in the month of La nau (November). In this ritual, each family will prepare a curry made of two crabs, two fish, two frogs (mating couples) and a variety of vegetables which are available in the rice fields. Before the meal, the head of the household will offer new rice and curry to the fireplace, the mortar, the ladle, the tray with the food on it, the rice pot, and the crossbeam of the house. This ritual aims to strengthen the heart of the rice so that it will be resistant to rain, heat, cold and disease. The feeding of tools and instruments signifies the household's homage and gratefulness to the Supreme Being for providing good crops and their thanks to these tools and instruments.
After the rice harvest, there is another ritual, called "Saiv lauz bu saf". This ritual is performed before the threshing of the rice to obtain the blessing of the Supreme Being for a good rice crop that year. After the threshing is completed, and before carrying the rice back to the village, the villagers will perform a ritual called "Kwai keiz bu k'la" (calling the rice spirit back to the village or rice barn). When all the rice has reached the village or the rice barn, but before consuming the stored rice for the first time, the Karen perform the "Saiv nau bu hkli" ritual to ask the Supreme Being to bless the family with having rice to last all the year round.
The last ritual is called "Saiv hpau hkof", and this ritual will be performed at the very end of the rice cultivation process. The ritual is performed to invite the "Htof bi qaf" (rice spirit) back to heaven and to ask her to return again in the next agricultural season. The Karen use rice leftovers from the previous year to make rice whisky, called "Hpau hki dav", and each family invites friends, relatives and other villagers to drink rice whisky together, everyone going from household to household until the whole village has been visited.
(1-12) Hpau gau hpau bau
 |  |
| Hpau gauz hpau bau: Red and yellow cock's comb and marigold flowers in a dry rice field a few months after harvest.
|
The months of December and January, following the completion of the rice harvest are known as "Quv tuj hpau bau", or the ending of the harvest season. During these two months, there are many hpau gauz hpau bau red and yellow flowers in the swidden fields, as well as different kinds of vegetables, fruit and so on. Women and children continue to collect the fruit and vegetables, and also seeds for the next agricultural season. After the collection of vegetables, fruit and seeds, people then begin to visit their cousins, relatives and elders in different villages for the renewal of relationships at the community level. During January they will then collect cogon grass to repair roofs or build a new house.
Part Two: The Rotational Farming System of the Karen
(2-1) Models of the rotational farming system
In the past, and even in the present day, outside society has misunderstood the traditional agricultural system of the indigenous peoples. This system is known as the "rotational farming" system, and is believed by outside society to destroy the forest. This misunderstanding arises from viewing only one step in the rotational farming process, namely the "forest clearing", and not evaluating the entire process from beginning to end. The understanding based on focusing only on this one step is crude and cursory and has been the cause of negative impacts on the community members who practice rotational farming and has caused extensive damage to the diversity of crops and the environment.
Numerous academic studies from many places have reached consistently similar conclusions, and have been able to overcome this misunderstanding. One instance is the book Farmers in the Forest - Economic development and marginal agriculture in Northern Thailand, by Kunstadter, Chapman, and Sobhrasi, which is a compilation of articles on various issues relevant to the rotational farming model of the Karen and Lua peoples in the northern region of Thailand. This book has pointed out the incorrect assumptions resulting from past academic misunderstanding concerning the traditional cultivation system. This misunderstanding has resulted in the formulation of unsuitable policies for the real situation of the indigenous peoples.
Traditional farming of the peoples indigenous to the hills of northern Thailand is classified into four types:
Type 1: "Short cultivation-short fallow" model
Type 2: "Short cultivation-long fallow" model
Type 3: "Permanent field tree crop" model
Type 4: "Long cultivation-very long fallow or abandonment"
With the exception of the fourth type, the practice of these farming models require the farmers to establish permanent settlements. In particular, the second type is the most widely used model (and the one followed by the Karen), and is the type some scholars (Kunstadter) have seen as the most permanent and secure for the long-term, provided there are few population pressure problems and few changes infiltrating from the outside.
Many research studies have pointed out that there is much "wisdom" inherent in the process of the rotational farming system, in which relationships in every dimension, including the relationships between people and people, people and nature, and people and the Supreme Being or the supernatural. This "wisdom" has coalesced to form a viable culture, and these relationships have resulted in a suitable balance which maintains and enhances the sustainability of the forest environment.
Type 2: "Short cultivation-long fallow" model
Preparation of a dry rice field:
- Branches of large trees are cut, the roots are not dug out
- The soil is not ploughed
- 28 rice species and 100 vegetable species are available for use
- Usable wood is harvested for firewood
Year 1 fallow
- Domestic animals (including cattle) and small forest animals visit the field
- There are 16 edible forest plant species and other plants that can be harvested
Year 2 fallow
- Provides pasture for wild animals
- Field becomes a breeding area for forest animals
- 12 winged animal species use the fields
- 4 bamboo species begin to grow
- 20 subterranean animal species present
Year 3 fallow
Similar to year 2, but trees and bamboo are bigger and higher
Years 4 and 5 fallow
- More wild animals present
- 30 winged animal species present
- 20 usable wood species present
- 75 herb species available
Year 6 fallow
Similar to years 4 and 5 except that the land is now fertile, the forest more abundant, and the area is nearly ready for cultivation again
(2-2) Rotational farming does not cause soil erosion.
Rotational farming cultivation is a production model that has the least impact on the soil surface, uses the soil for short periods at a time, uses a spade and pick to dig a hole to plant seeds, and sickles to cut grass on a small scale basis that does not disturb the soil surface. Thus, there is no soil erosion. The results of research conducted by Chanpen Chutima Teewin of the impacts of the Karen people's rice cultivation method on soil surface showed that the rotational farming system of the Karen currently causes soil erosion below the accepted standard level (0.2 tonnes/rai/year). The study stated that the rice cultivation method of the Karen and Lua peoples uses the land in a manner which does not cause soil erosion, and that this was achieved by growing plants that do not disturb the soil, by digging holes to plant seeds, and by growing a variety of plants, such as fertilizing plants and ground-cover plants. This cultivation method is effective in lowering and preventing soil erosion in highland areas. Chanpen's study states that of ten areas studied, six areas had soil erosion that did not exceed the accepted standard, and four areas had very little soil erosion.
(2-3) Rotational farming and natural soil fertility
The rotational farming system does not use chemical fertilizers or pesticides. The soil is allowed to regenerate for six or seven years, which is sufficient time for the re-fertilization of the soil surface. In the initial one to three year period, grass growing in the fallow fields will decompose and replacement trees will begin to grow. Fallen leaves and both domestic and wild animal feces assist in the natural plant decomposition. This will assist the revitalization of the soil in readiness for the next cycle of cultivation. However, currently, the level of economic development is increasing in the communities, and the introduction into highland areas of many new plant species which require increasingly frequent use of the land, cause soil disruption, and require the use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides will result in more intense use of the land. The long-term, permanent use of the land, as opposed to the rotational cultivation system, will cause the death of the land and invasion by plant pests.
(2-4) Karen songs concerning forest conservation
The Karen have songs concerning forest cultivation. Four examples are given below. These are classical Karen songs, mostly sung by the elders on special occasions like wedding ceremonies, the Nif sau hkof (New Year - February) ceremony, or the La hkoov pooz (August) ceremony. These songs give an idea of the emotions involved in the Karen people's determination to maintain the viability and sustainability of the hill forest regions they inhabit.
1.
If trees die, we replant them; if bamboo dies, we replant it,
Take care of new plantings; plant and care for the new ones,
As well as the wide Banyan trees spread their branches,
Next year the hornbills will seek for them.
2.
The land we live on is the land our mothers live on,
The land we live on is the land our fathers live on,
Our mothers planted pomelo for us,
Our fathers planted oranges for us,
We eat them and care for them together,
We have sufficient to eat in the long-term.
3.
Do not abandon your birthplace, remember it well and care for it well.
Take good care of our forest, take good care of the water,
Take good care of the land, take good care of the whole cycle,
The fertile land has a bamboo tree growing on it.
4.
The water will be spoiled, our sisters,
The land will be spoiled, our brothers,
The chicken cluck out of tune,
Birds sing out of tune.
Take a look at the plain below,
Our younger people must work hard, and are full of tears.
References and Bibliography
Kunstadter, Peter, Subsistence Agricultural Economics of Lua and Karen Hill Farmers, Mae Sariang District, Northwestern Thailand, in Kunstadter, P., E.C. Chapman, and Sanga Sobhrasi (eds.), Farmers in the Forest - Economic development and marginal agriculture in Northern Thailand, Honolulu, University Press of Hawaii, 1978,
Anderson, Edward F., Plants and People of the Golden Triangle - Ethnobotany of the Hill Tribes of Northern Thailand, Silkworm Books and Dioscorides Press, 1993, especially Chapter 3.
Chanpen Chutima Teewin, A thesis on the impact of a Karen upland-rice cultivation on soil erosion : A case study of Ban Mae-Rid, Mae-Sarieng, Mae Hong Son province 1998, M.Sc. (Technology for environmental planning for rural development). Mahidon University, Bangkok 1998.
Publication and contact details
Title: The Integration of Sustainable Forest Use and Ritual Practice of the Karen - The Karen Rotational Farming System and Annual Cycle of Ritual Practice
© & Prepared by: the Karen Network for Culture and Environment, Date: 2001
Revised by: Chiang Mai Diocesan Social Action Center (DISAC-Chiang Mai), Date: October 2004
Publisher: Chiang Mai Diocesan Social Action Center (DISAC-Chiang Mai)
Address: Chiang Mai Diocesan Social Action Center (DISAC Chiang Mai)
5/1 Soi 12, Charoenphrathet Road, Ampheu Muang, Chiang Mai, 50100 Thailand
Tel: 66 (053) 818 623, fax: 66 (053) 274 273 Email: disaccm@hotmail.com
Editing and formatting by: Professor Tony Boys and Mr. Sunthorn Wongjomporn
Photos by: Mr. Thaworn Kampolkul (Buhpau)
Pgaz K'Nyau (Cgauz Karen) Language Pronunciation Guide
The Pgaz K'Nyau (Cgauz Karen) Language consists of monosyllables of the form [C(C)]V (a vowel, or a vowel preceded
by a single or compound consonant), each syllable having one of six tones. Words often consist of two syllables together.
In this, it is rather similar to Chinese, although the relationship between the two languages appears to be very tenuous.
2. Consonants Vowels and Tones of the Pgaz K'Nyau Language
2.1 The Pgaz K'Nyau language has 24 consonants (in dictionary order):
k, hk, g, q, ng, c, hs, ny, t, ht, d, n, p, hp, b, m, y, r, l, w, s, h, ah, eh
2.2 The Pgaz K'Nyau language has 10 vowels (in dictionary order): a, e, o, i, u, ai, ei, au, oo, _'
2.3 The Pgaz K'Nyau language has 6 tones, 5 of which are represented by "tone marker letters" which come at the end of
syllables (in dictionary order): v, j, x, f, z
3. Pronunciation of the consonants, vowels and tones
3.1 Consonants (add "a" to each consonant)
k ka like an English "g", but not aspirated - like "guard", but the "g" is not aspirated
hk hka like the aspirated English "k" or hard "c" as in "car"
g ga like a French "r" - "raa"
q qa a gutteral sound like the German "ch" - "chaa"
ng nga like the "ng" in the English king - "ngaa"
c ca like the English "j" as in "jar"
hs hsa like the English "ch" as in "char"
ny nya like the "n" of "Espana" - "naa"
t ta like the English "d", but not aspirated - "dart", but the d is not aspirated
ht hta like the aspirated English "t" as in "ta" (meaning "thanks")
d da like the aspirated English "d" as in "dart"
n na like the English "n" as in "narc"
p pa like the English "b" or "p", but not aspirated - "bar", but the b is not aspirated
hp hpa like the English "p" as in "park"
b ba like the English "b" as in "bar"
m ma like the English "m" as in "mar"
y ya usually like the English "y" as in "yard (but in some areas like "z" as in "Tsar", or "zar")
r ra like a trilled English "r": a very emphatic "rather" with the "r" trilled
l la like the English "l" as in "lard"
w wa like the English "w", but sometimes like "v" or "f" as in "waa", "varsity", "far"
s sa like the English "s" as in "sarge"
h ha like the English "h" (or Spanish j) "hard", "jaa"
ah m like the drawn out English "Aah" but not preceded by a glottal stop
eh m like the English "er"
3.2 vowels
a the English "a" as in "artist"
e the English "e" as in "er..."
i the English "i" as in "machine"
o the English "ow" as in "low"
u halfway between a "u" and an "er" - between "lunar" and "learner"
ai like "air" or the "are" in "dare", but not a diphthong
ei like "ay" in "say" or "gay", but not a diphthong
au like the "al" in "talk"
oo like the "oo" in "food"
_' (apostrophe) pronounced with k', t', n', p', m', y', l', s'. similar to the weak "a" of "about"
3.3 Tones
- not written "a" - a normal length high-middle tone, a bit like: 'Say ah...' when you want someone to open his or her mouth
v short high-middle tone - "av", a bit like: "Ah! I forgot my glasses!"
j normal length low tone - "aj", a bit like: "Ah, what a shame."
x short low tone - "ax", a bit like:: "Are you going?" "Uh, uh" (meaning "no")
f long high-and-falling tone - "af", a bit like: "Ahh, I see it now!"
z long, middle tone - "az", a bit like: "What a shame. Everyone say 'ahhh.'" (sarcastic)
Note on written Pgaz K'Nyau
When writing Pgaz K'Nyau, if two syllables form a word they can be joined together with no space between
the syllables if the first syllable does not have a tone marker letter at the end of it - e.g. "soonya". If the first
syllable has a tone letter at the end of it then the syllables should be written separately, e.g. "hauf khof". (In
this pamphlet, this rule has been ignored: I have simply placed spaces between each syllable to make them
more easily recognizable.)
revised 04/10/2005
home
